The Dialectics

Explainer History

TD Explains: What caused the Tiananmen Square Incident

From a space for gathering to commemorate public events or to a spot for rallying protests, squares are of paramount importance in Chinese polity from villages to cities. Of several such squares, Tiananmen square, located in the heart of the Forbidden city of Beijing and boasting a history of 500 years, is the one that has witnessed several important events in Chinese history. It made headlines in the last century on multiple occasions; however, the most important one is the infamous Tiananmen protests. Considered as one of the largest democracy movements in a country where protests are strictly regulated or orchestrated by the party itself, Tiananmen square protests is a series of sporadic protests in China in 1989 which culminated in the massacre of several students. Let’s delve into a brief history of it, Rots in the system: Under Deng Xiaoping, the Chinese Communist Party Chairman and the de-facto leader who took after the reins after Mao Zedong, Chinese economy has made remarkable gains in a very short span of time starting from the opening of the economy in 1976 and the four modernisations-in agriculture, industry, scientific development and national defence. However, following the boom in the rural economy, similar success stories could not be repeated in urban areas and price rice and inflation spiralled within a decade. Premier Zhao Ziyang (left), Deng Xioping and Hu Yaobang (Right) The Communist party that was expected to fix the economy caught between the power struggle between reformists headed by Party General Secretary Hu Yaobang and Premier Zhao Ziyang on one side and the Elders of the party on the conservative side. The Yaobang and Zhao faction argued that economic reforms would be incomplete without the political reforms. Whereas, the elders of the party, led by Chen Yun, let alone the political reforms, were opposing even the market freedom. This has led to widespread discontent and disbelief among intellectuals who started voicing out their opinions. All these spiralled into a massive support for the students among the citizenry. How protests started brewing…. The first seed of protest started in Chinese University of Science and Technology in Hefei in 1985 when the authorities turned down the idea of an elected students’ body in the campus. Students rallied for “democracy and freedom”. However, it ebbed down with time and an offer from the Communist party to discuss political reform. The second trigger point was the death of Hu Yaobang on April 15, 1989, who was stripped of all political positions for his stand on political reforms. Hence his death became the rallying point for students against the government. The students’ demands were initially limited to their own grievances like job, end of nepotism by party members and limited personal freedoms. However, the high handedness of the Communist Party in handling the situation turned the protests into one of the biggest ever seen.  Protests were seen as ‘anti-party’ activism by the communist party and was declared as a “counter-revolutionary turmoil” by the People’s Daily newspaper. This was seen as a question to the patriotism of the students who consider themselves as ‘uber patriotic’. What was merely a gathering of small students snowballed into a large movement with the support of liberals and other intellectuals. Several students’ unions were formed which called for boycott of classes and called for marches and hunger strikes on mid-May which coincided with Gorbachev’s visit to China. Protests were held daily and counts reached 1.5 million students as per newspapers. Most of the society and the intellectuals rallied behind the protesting students who took more hardline positions like Erection of a ‘Statue of Goddess of Democracy’. Students trying to erect Statue of ‘Goddess of Democracy’ Chinese state reaction The party was mired in its own internal conflicts. At one point, it seems that party was losing its grip. However, Vijay Gokhale, the former Indian ambassador to China argues that the party propaganda machinery loosened its grip over reporting of the incident which strengthened the movement. This was due to Zhao’s interference. With Zhao being stripped of his positions, the movement lost its steam and was finally repressed on 4th June with army’s help resulting in the deaths of several students. Legacy and its impact The communist party has successfully covered up the whole things that transpired on June 4, 1989. It was seen as an attempt to thwart the Communist Party using foreign hands. The party also realised the need to check factional tendencies within the party. In short, the authorities tended to be more authoritative than before. International Reaction Western media was lapped up with the movement. But once the western countries saw more good in ties with China than to support democracy, they preferred to forget it. They were also busy with USSR. This was another case when national interest precedes over human rights cases. Is it a true pro democratic movement? Student leaders like Wang Dan who led the movement projected it as the first meeting of democracy with the people of China. However, the fact that the government was able to repress the movement suggests that democracy failed to catch the imaginations of the people in China.  Democratic movements can succeed in the long run only if it’s coming up as a demand from the people. Yet, Tiananmen square protests will stand as one of the testimonials for democracy movements all over the world.

Explainer China History

TD Explains: Legacy of Non-Aligned Movement

Non-alignment as a topic can be discussed under two heads i.e. non-alignment as a foreign policy and non-aligned as a movement which was led by third world countries. However, in this explainer we are going to discuss Non-aligned as a movement. The Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) emerged during the Cold War as a response to the bipolar power struggle between the United States and the Soviet Union. It provided an alternative path for developing nations that sought to maintain their sovereignty, independence, and self-determination. The broad context of NAM is India’s relation with developing countries (Global South). NAM is India’s contribution in the field of theory of International Politics. It has remained a contested topic among the scholars regarding what it actually stands for. Western scholars compared NAM with the USA’s ‘Isolation policy’ and the policy of ‘Neutrality’ which was followed by Switzerland. However, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru clarified that NAM was not staying away from global issues rather it was taking an active role in world affairs by taking principled stands. Thus, unlike remaining in an alliance where countries stand is predetermined, India preferred to maintain its strategic autonomy. In the words of Nehru “India must get its rightful place in the comity of Nation.”   Evolution of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) First phase: – FORMATION AND EARLY YEARS (1955-1970): The first phase began with the Bandung Conference in 1955, where leaders from Asia and Africa met to discuss issues of common concern and shared principles of peaceful coexistence. The agenda of NAM in this phase was anti-imperialism, anti-colonialism, and anti-racialism. The conference laid the groundwork for the formation of the Non-Aligned Movement. The NAM was officially founded in 1961 at the Belgrade Summit, attended by 25 countries, including key leaders such as India’s Jawaharlal Nehru, Egypt’s Gamal Abdel Nasser, and Yugoslavia’s Josip Broz Tito. During this period, the NAM focused on promoting the interests of newly independent countries and providing a platform for these nations to navigate the bipolar international order without aligning with either the United States or the Soviet Union. The movement aimed to maintain peace, facilitate cooperation among its members, and promote decolonization and self-determination. In this phase, the NAM played a crucial role in advocating for disarmament and the end of apartheid in South Africa. It was considered as the most successful phase of NAM. The Suez Crisis in 1956 exemplifies the importance of non-alignment during this phase. India and Yugoslavia, as non-aligned nations, played a crucial role in mediating the crisis, demonstrating the potential for non-aligned countries to shape global politics and contribute to conflict resolution. Second Phase: – EXPANSION AND ACTIVISM (1970-1980): Agenda of NAM in this phase was the promotion of development and eradication of poverty. During this period, the NAM expanded its membership, which peaked at over 120 countries. The movement became more politically active. Political scientist Mark T. Berger highlights the NAM’s role in advocating for a New International Economic Order (NIEO) during this period, which aimed to address the economic disparities between the Global North and South. The NIEO aimed to address global economic inequalities, particularly between the developed and developing world by transfer of technology, funds, aid in supporting industrialisation and capacity building. In this phase, the NAM also played an essential role in fostering South-South cooperation and solidarity among developing nations. The movement continued its advocacy for disarmament and peace, as well as for the rights of the Palestinian people Third Phase: DISARMAMENT (1980-1990) Agenda of NAM in this phase was disarmament because of the beginning of the new cold war and the new arms race. The then Prime Minister of India Rajiv Gandhi presented the action plan for disarmament in 1988 which was based on the theme that the international community should take a time bound action plan for achieving the goal of ‘Nuclear Disarmament’. The plan did not get enough support from the international community apart from the USSR. Fourth Phase: POST-COLD WAR ERA AND ADAPTATION (1991-PRESENT) With the end of the Cold War in the early 1990s, the international political landscape changed significantly. The bipolar world order dissolved, leading to a more unipolar world. The ‘Raison d’etre’ of NAM ceased to exist. In the 1992 Jakarta Summit the original members of NAM like Egypt proposed the dissolution of NAM. However, the then Prime Minister of India Narsimha Rao held that even if there is a single superpower, it does not mean the relevance of NAM ends. India tried to justify the existence of NAM by suggesting that NAM was born during the cold war but it was just a coincidence, it is even more important to maintain the solidarity of the 3rd world when there is a single superpower. India argues that unilateralism still makes NAM more relevant. In this phase, the NAM has focused on addressing contemporary challenges such as climate change, economic inequality, terrorism, and sustainable development. The movement has continued to advocate for multilateralism, global cooperation, and the interests of the Global South. It has also emphasized the importance of respecting the principles of sovereignty and non-intervention in the affairs of member states. . Relevance of NAM Prime minister Modi, during the 2020 conference held that NAM has been the moral voice of humanity. India re-affirmed its long-standing commitment to the principles of NAM as its founding member. The relevance of NAM is much debated by the scholars from different schools of International Relations. With multilateralism collapsing, Its position as the largest platform of developing countries, still has the potential to promote the interests of the global south.  

Explainer India & South Asia

TD Explains: Evolution of Act East Policy

What is Act East Policy: India’s Act East Policy is a diplomatic initiative with focus on the extended neighborhood in Asia-Pacific region to strengthen economic and strategic ties. The Act East policy signifies a proactive approach to engage more deeply with the region, encompassing political, economic, and cultural dimensions. It was first announced by Prime Minister Modi in 2014 in the ASEAN Summit in Myanmar. This policy builds on the earlier Look East Policy enhancing partnerships in trade, investment, security and connectivity. The primary objectives of the Act East Policy are to enhance economic cooperation, improve strategic and security ties, institutional engagement and foster cultural and people to people contacts with countries in the Asia-Pacific region through continuous engagement at bilateral, regional, and multilateral levels. One of the priorities of the Act East Policy is to provide interface between North Eastern states of India including the state of Arunachal Pradesh and ASEAN region through trade, culture, people to people contacts and physical infrastructure- road, airport, power and telecommunications. Some of the major projects carried out under the policy include India-Myanmar-Thailand Trilateral Highway Project, Kaladan Multi-Modal Transit and Transport Project, Rhi-Tiddim Road Project and Border Haats. By fostering closer ties with Eastern nations, India seeks to boost economic growth, ensure regional stability, and counterbalance China’s influence in the region. LOOK EAST TO ACT EAST : India’s Act East Policy represents a proactive evolution of the earlier Look East Policy established in 1991. The Look East Policy, Initiated under Prime Minister P.V. Narasimha emerged in the wake of significant global changes, including the end of the Cold War and the disintegration of the Soviet Union, which necessitated new economic partnerships and diversified geopolitical alignments for India. The policy’s inception aligned with India’s economic liberalization, aiming to integrate the country more deeply into the global economy by fostering ties with the economically dynamic and strategically important Southeast Asian region. The Look East Policy evolved through distinct phases. The first phase (1991-2002) concentrated on renewing political contacts, increasing economic integration, and establishing institutional linkages with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). During this period, India was accorded Sectoral Dialogue Partner status by ASEAN in 1992, became a full Dialogue Partner in 1996, and joined the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) the same year. These steps facilitated political dialogue, economic cooperation, and security engagement, laying the groundwork for deeper regional integration. The second phase (2003-2014) expanded the Look East Policy’s geographical focus beyond ASEAN to include the broader East Asian region, encompassing countries like Japan, South Korea, and Australia. This phase was characterized by a more comprehensive approach that included strategic and security cooperation alongside economic ties. India signed Comprehensive Economic Cooperation Agreements (CECA) with Singapore in 2005 and South Korea in 2009, enhancing bilateral trade and investment. Furthermore, India’s participation in regional security frameworks and multilateral forums, such as the East Asia Summit (EAS) and the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM), underscored its commitment to regional stability and cooperation. A STRATEGIC TURN The Act East Policy differs from the Look East Policy in that it covers a wider geographic area and goes farther strategically. India understands that a strategic vision for Southeast Asia should not be exclusive of a similar vision for East Asia and the Asia-Pacific region,  which is likely what spurred the strategy’s expansion beyond Southeast Asia.   Similarly, without a corresponding vision of Southeast Asia, strategic views of the latter cannot be developed. Because regional dynamics are so closely entwined between nations and sub-regions, non-exclusivity is an inevitable outcome. Having a comprehensive strategic vision of the Asia-Pacific region makes more sense for India than restricting itself to narrow perspectives. When combined with its large geographic area, the Act East approach’s stronger strategic content—especially its security component—leave little room for dispute regarding India’s sincerity in pursuing its goal of becoming a significant regional player.  Regarding regional dynamics, India’s ambitions carry substantial implications. The political and economic balance of power in the area is anticipated to be most significantly impacted. As strategic complexities emerge, the nature of these ramifications will become apparent. Throughout its evolution, the Look East Policy has sought to leverage historical cultural ties, economic complementarities, and strategic interests to foster a stable, prosperous, and cooperative regional order. The policy not only aimed at economic benefits but also addressed security concerns, contributing to a more balanced and multipolar regional architecture. By the time it was rebranded as the Act East Policy in 2014 by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the Look East Policy had firmly established India as an integral part of the Southeast and East Asian strategic and economic landscape, setting the stage for more proactive and robust engagement in the region. The rebranding to the Act East Policy in 2014 signaled a more assertive and action-oriented approach. The Act East Policy prioritizes strengthening connectivity, economic integration, and security cooperation across Asia-Pacific. India has intensified its strategic and defense engagements through joint military exercises and increased participation in multilateral forums such as the East Asia Summit (EAS) and the ASEAN Defence Ministers’ Meeting Plus (ADMM-Plus). CHALLENGES & WAY FORWARD: India faces several major challenges under the Act East Policy. Geopolitically, China’s expanding influence through its Belt and Road Initiative poses a significant challenge, as it strengthens China’s ties with Southeast Asian nations, potentially overshadowing India’s efforts. Additionally, regional geopolitical tensions, such as the South China Sea disputes, complicate India’s engagement strategies. Economically, infrastructure bottlenecks hinder effective connectivity and trade facilitation. Projects like the India-Myanmar-Thailand Trilateral Highway and the Kaladan Multimodal Transit Transport Project face delays and logistical issues, impacting their timely completion and efficacy. Furthermore, India’s domestic political and economic constraints, including bureaucratic inefficiencies and regulatory hurdles, impede swift policy implementation and international investment. Culturally and diplomatically, overcoming historical mistrust and building deeper people-to-people connections require sustained efforts. To effectively leverage the Act East Policy, India must navigate these complex challenges, ensuring strategic collaborations and efficient execution of its initiatives to foster regional stability and growth. Despite challenges like regional geopolitical tensions and

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