The Dialectics

Australia’s recent ‘Four R’ formula: What it tells us about changing International order ?

Four R formula or Four R strategy of Australia by penny wong

Australia’s foreign policy is undergoing a significant recalibration amid shifting global power dynamics and structural uncertainties. Canberra’s foreign policy never had isolation as an option. As Gyngell talks about three strands in Australia’s foreign policy – Alliances, Regional engagement and Rules-based order, there is now a need to make a continuity to the said three strands, that is adding a fourth strand.

As the world is at its most uncertain phase with protectionism on rise and international law is eroding, the addition of the fourth strand to its foreign policy is a timely evolution. Though it is not officially documented yet, the fourth strand was revealed and discussed by Australia’s foreign minister, Penny Wong. So what is that fourth strand being added to Gyngell’s three strands ?

For this, it is necessary to look into other aspects of Australia where it is making choices to pursue its interests and exert influence, that is, in the Indo-Pacific, a region that has become the epicenter of global geopolitics.

The Four R formula – On 21st November 2025, Penny Wong in her speech at the AIIA National Conference (Australian Institute of International Affairs) outlined a new formula: Region, Relationships, Rules and Resilience which is also termed as “four Rs”.

First R – Region

In terms of the first R it denotes the region of Indo-Pacific. Wong underscored the Indo-Pacific’s centrality to global geopolitics, calling it “where the world’s future is most being shaped” and “where we have the most on the line.”

Australia has given utmost importance to this region and is also a pivotal actor in the same. In addition, Australia’s exposure and influence are the highest in this region which has also acted as a catalyst to enhance its infrastructure and connectivity projects in this region.
Wong highlighted that while the Indo-Pacific is where events can most quickly harm Australia, it is also where Australia’s choices can shape outcomes. Therefore, ensuring peace and stability in the region is of prime interest to Australia.

Second R : Relationships

The second R stands for relationships. Again this comes as a re-emphasis on Gyngell’s ‘Alliances’ strand, with a little yet an essential tweak. Although Australia is an ally of the U.S., this new strategy has emphasised on building stronger relations with China, Japan, India, ASEAN, Pacific Island countries and others in a wider web of ties. Thereby, stressing upon the significance, maintenance and continuance of diversified diplomatic relations.

On relations with the U.S, Wong acknowledged the essentiality of the US as their closest ally and principal strategic partner and US’s crucial role in keeping the region stable. Also pragmatically, Wong stressed that U.S. leadership does not absolve Australia of responsibility: “We know we cannot expect the U.S. to secure our future for us.”

And on this logic, Australia’s engagement with China is built on.

Contrary to suggestions that limiting contact with China might yield benefits, Wong argued that engagement is essential. Wong even went to the extent where she acknowledged that China’s growth has been a key driver of prosperity in Australia, the region, and the world.
As Wong put it: “Advancing our interests requires engagement, and contrary to what some suggest, engagement does not imply concession.”

Third R : Rules

The third R has emphasised over rules-based order. Middle Powers like Australia have played a pivotal role in the maintenance of rules. It leads to the protection and preservation of international law and institutions which also provides “organising principle for cooperation”. Besides, the rules are mostly set by friends and allies with the purpose to constraint the untrammelled power, it also invariably, reflects the power of the rule maker i.e., the great powers.

Fourth R : Resilience

The Fourth R is resilience. This is the most striking addition in the strategy. Resilience has become a crucial element adopted by states in the face of the ongoing great-power competition and threats of disruption of the global value chain. In addition, the tariff policies imposed by the Trump administration 2.0 on states including Australia have been a cause of concern since the beginning of the year 2025.

This has also ignited the threat of decoupling, decreasing presence of the U.S. in the Indo-Pacific region and economic security threat arising from economic dependence on China. Henceforth, it is prime time for Australia to strengthen its domestic policies so as to face challenges imposed by structural uncertainties.

Isolation is never an Option for Australia

Largely, the “four R’s” strategy does not indicate that Australia is going to adopt an independent foreign policy which is highly unlikely given the fact that it is an ally of the U.S. and disengagement will come with a hefty cost. Nevertheless, this strategy aims to deepen Australia’s engagement and presence in the Indo-Pacific region.

Although the “Four R’s” strategy has not yet appeared in Australia’s white papers, that does not necessarily mean that it is irrelevant. The timing of the announcement indicates Australia’s urge to pursue its interest in the Indo-Pacific region alongside to maintain relations with important states. It also points at Australia’s rejection of isolationism, as stated by Gyngell.

The Message:

Change is rarely random; it’s driven by necessity. In foreign policy, that necessity needs a powerful stimulus to set things in motion. What greater stimulus exists than the world’s current state. This alarms every nation to rethink their engagements, alignments and commitments. When a middle power like Australia, despite being a closest ally of the US, recaliberates itself, it signals a broader shift. States of the Global South and other smaller powers are compelled to reassess their own positions, diversify partnerships, and strengthen resilience to navigate an increasingly uncertain and competitive international order.

Author